The War Cabinet’s Motivation

Rev Dr David Schmidt in a London lecture marking the centenary of the 1917 Balfour Declaration claimed that the evangelical Christian faith of the then war cabinet was a major influence which motivated them to make the Declaration.

As a Bible-believing academic, Dr Schmidt is convinced that, the Balfour Declaration was part of God’s plan and Israel’s destiny, as foretold by the Old Testament prophets.

Prophets Isaiah, Jeremiah and Ezekiel

Various theories have been put forward for the motivation of David Lloyd George’s ten-strong War Cabinet of 1917 – such as empire expansion, remorse over Jewish persecution and even gratitude for the war efforts of Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann, a top biochemist who had developed an important chemical ingredient for gunpowder.
But Dr Schmidt is convinced that Christian Zionism was, at its heart, defining Zionism as the belief that Jews remain God’s chosen people and that they have a right to live in the land of Israel.
Though from different social backgrounds and representing all contemporary political parties, these magnificent ten were, for the most part, non-Conformist evangelical Christians – there were no Anglicans – who were familiar with the Old Testament and aware of biblical prophecy. Ironically, the only Jewish member strongly opposed the policy. Many Jews at the time saw it as being herded into a ‘ghetto’. But their opposition gradually faded as the Zionist movement gained momentum.
Lloyd George was the main figure behind the declaration, said Dr Schmidt. Though “ethically challenged” – he had a mistress, for one thing – the Manchester born, Welshspeaking Liberal Prime Minister was raised on the Bible and retained a sentimental attachment to biblical values while not always living up to its high ideals.


Balfour too was steeped in the Bible from his Scottish Presbyterian childhood, believing that Christian civilization owed an immeasurable debt to Judaism. He was motivated by what he called “the desire to give the Jews their rightful place in the world” and even gave theological lectures at Cambridge University. He was highly accomplished, having already served as Prime Minister, and declared on his deathbed that aiding Jewish restoration was possibly the most worthwhile thing he had done.
Also in the cabinet was Jan Christian Smuts, a Boer general in the South African War. Raised in the Reform Church, his early life was filled with Bible teaching and he predicted that, in generations to come, a great Jewish state would arise once more. In fact, Smuts argued for the biblical restoration of Israel all his life. He was the only Cabinet member who lived to see the re-born state when, as South African Prime Minister, he was the first to recognise the new country after the United States.
Edward Carson, a fiery criminal lawyer from Ulster, opposed Lloyd George on many other issues, but not this one.
Andrew Bonar Law, a Canadian raised by a Presbyterian minister, became Prime Minister in 1922, but died of cancer soon afterwards.
Labour politician Arthur Henderson was converted to Christ through the famed evangelist Gypsy Smith and was also a wholehearted supporter of the Balfour Declaration, as was fellow Labour member George Barnes, who loved the Jewish people.
Support also came from Alfred Milner (brought up in Germany) but George Nathaniel Curzon raised early objections. As a former Viceroy of India, he understood how the Muslims could rise up in opposition and believed the Jews would struggle to live in such “a desolate place”.
Edwin Montague, meanwhile, was opposed both to the declaration and to Zionism in general despite being a Jew himself because it would force a nationality on people who had nothing in common, and become a Jewish ghetto.
In answer to questions, Dr Schmidt suggested that the failure of British foreign policy was not in supporting the Jews with their Zionist cause but, in having done so, trying to appease the Arabs as well so that in the end they pleased no-one.

Charles Gardner, author of Israel the Chosen and Peace in Jerusalem.


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THE BACKGROUND TO THE DRAFTING OF THE BALFOUR DECLARATION

Author: Barry Shaw

The stars were in perfect alignment at a time in history. Such moments are fleeting and must be grabbed before the opportunity recedes into the past.
One such moment was when David Lloyd George succeeded Herbert Henry Asquith as Britain’s Prime Minister in 1916. People assume that Lloyd George was a Welshman but he was born in Manchester. The alignment was enhanced with the appointment of Arthur Balfour to the position of Foreign Secretary in Lloyd George’s government.
Alignment and timing are all important in world affairs. Both men were raised on a late Victorian religious upbringing and the relevance of their Christianity on matters of principle. Both were nurtured on hymns and on the belief in the return of the Jewish people to their ancestral land, an act that would herald the coming of their Messiah.
Although Jewish Zionist heroes such as Herzl and Weizmann were lobbying and organizing global and diplomatic support for the notion of reclaiming a national home in an ancient land, then called Palestine, it was, if truth be told, the influence of well positioned Christians that opened the political gates to that goal. It was the core beliefs of people like Lloyd George and Balfour that would drive a policy that has led us to where we are today.
Parts of Kenya on the border with Uganda had been suggested as a British protectorate for the Jews but this had been dismissed by Chaim Weizmann. He stated his case forcefully;
“Uganda will never be Palestine. We cannot possibly sell our birthright. It is like someone giving up one’s religion, giving up one’s self. We thank the British Government for its generous and magnanimous offer, but we cannot accept it, and we think the British Government is perhaps the only government which will understand the motives which lead us to refuse this offer.”
It was this rejection that prompted the first meeting between the Manchester-based Jew and Balfour who had been one of the proposers of the Uganda plan.
Balfour was curious to hear why Weizmann had rejected the African proposal. The conversation between them went on for some time until Dr. Weizmann said to Balfour, “Mr. Balfour, suppose I gave you Paris in place of London? Would you take it?”
“We have London,” Balfour replied.
“Mr. Balfour. We had Jerusalem when London was a swamp.”
Balfour was impressed by Weizmann’s stubbornness and determination that, for the Jews, a homeland could only be based in the land of their forefathers, even if it was under the rule of the Ottoman Empire.

Weizmann was not to meet Balfour for another ten years. In 1916 Balfour was First Lord of the Admiralty. Weizmann went into the meeting with great trepidation. He was concerned that the senior British politician would recall the abrupt ending of their last conversation. When he entered the office, Balfour greeted him with, “You know, Dr. Weizmann, if the Allies win the war you might possibly get your Jerusalem.”

Britain was at war and was contemplating opening up a new front in the Middle East against the Turks who had allied with the Germany.

By 1917 Arthur Balfour was Foreign Secretary in Lloyd George’s government and was persuaded by faith and by persuasion to inform his colleagues in the War Cabinet of his intention to submit an official letter on behalf of His Majesty’s Government that would be favorable to Zionist aspirations in Palestine. The reason he gave was that this would attract both American and Russian support behind Britain’s war against Germany and their Turkish allies. In this he was supported by his Prime Minister.
The stars were aligned at a moment in history for the Jewish people.
Balfour met with Chaim Weizmann and Lord Rothschild on June 19 and invited them to submit a declaration that would be acceptable to the War Cabinet for the British Government to declare its conviction and support of the Zionist aims for the creation of a Jewish national home in Palestine.

In my new book, ‘1917 From Palestine to the Land of Israel,’ I relate the background to the drafting of the Balfour Declaration which was to set British policy at a critical time in the Jewish struggle to claim Palestine as a national homeland.
A little known fact is that the early working of this document was done by a small team of Zionists based in Manchester. Simon Marks and Israel Sieff were born in Prestwich. They were joined by Harry Sacher who was a journalist at the Manchester Guardian. They gathered under the tutelage of Weizmann in Sieff’s home in Didsbury.
Their enthusiasm and intellectual input raised the spirits of Chaim Weizmann who wrote in his book Trial and Error; “They helped make Manchester, the city I had come to as a stranger, and had considered a place of exile, a happy place for me.”

Sachar began composing the document by writing, “The British Government declares that one of its essential war aims is the reconstitution of Palestine as a Jewish state.”
The group received advice from Herbert Sidebotham. Sidebotham was the military correspondent at the Manchester Guardian. He and its editor, C.P. Snow, were ardent Zionists and close friends of Weizmann. Sidebotham sent Sachar a memo pointing out that “by a Jewish state is meant a state composed not only of Jews, but one whose dominant national character shall be as Jewish as the dominant national character of England in English.”

Sachar told Nahum Sokolov, a prominent Zionist leader, “We must control the State machinery in Palestine. If we don’t, the Arabs will. Give the Arabs all the guarantees they like for cultural autonomy but the State must be Jewish.”

It must be mentioned there was a raging public argument in Britain between the Zionists and the anti-Jewish state Jews. One of the anti-Zionist leaders was the influential Edwin Montagu, a senior member of the government.
The fearful Montagu expressed his position against a Jewish state by arguing “When Jews are told that Palestine is a national home every country will immediately desire to get rid of its Jewish citizens.”
The narrow-minded lord went on, “When the Jews have a national home surely it follows that the impetus to deprive us of rights of British citizenship must be enormously increased.”
Leopold Amery, the War Cabinet Secretary threw scorn on Montagu calling him “a tame Jew who doesn’t want to be bothered with Zionism or national aspirations and only regards it as a nuisance to himself.”
The ignoble Lord Montagu accused the Zionist Organization of being run by “men of enemy descent or birth.”
The War Cabinet rejected Montagu’s argument by reminding him “that the existence of a Jewish State or autonomous community in Palestine would strengthen rather than weaken the situation of Jews in countries ere they were not yet in possession of equal rights.”
Weizmann responded to the clique of Jewish anti-Zionists by claiming they were “a small minority of so-called assimilated cosmopolitan Jews, most belonging to haute finance, who have lost contact with the development of Jewish life or ideas.”


The drafting of an original Zionist Organization proposal underwent several changes and redraftings. Lord Rothschild drafted a proposal in July 1917 which read;
“1. His Majesty’s Government accepts the principle that Palestine should be reconstituted as the national home of the Jewish people.
2. His Majesty’s Government will use its best endeavours to secure the achievement of this object and will discuss the necessary methods and means with the Zionist Organization.”
There were further counter-drafts drawn up by Balfour in August and later amended the same month by Lord Milner. Milner changed the phrase “reconstituted as the national home of the Jewish people” to “the establishment of a home for the Jewish people in Palestine.”
The Milner/Amery draft of October clarified the nature of the Jewish entity by calling it “the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish race” but the word “race” was changed back to “people” in the final Balfour draft.
The final draft of the Balfour Declaration was drawn up and presented to Walter Rothschild, a leader of Britain’s Jewish community for transferring on to the Zionist Federation of Great Britain and Ireland, It read;
‘His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.”
The letter was presented to Baron Rothschild on 2nd November 1917 and published in the press one week later.
The wording fell short of what the Zionist representatives wanted. Instead of the word “establishment” they wanted the word “re-establishment” to emphasize the continuity of the Jewish presence in Palestine and its history and heritage with this land. They had called for the inclusion of the word “state” but out of fear of opposition within the British Cabinet compromised with the inclusion of a reference to a “national home.”
Balfour said in 1918, he hoped that “Jews will make good in Palestine and eventually found a state.”
Prime Minister Lloyd George confirmed that when the Jews would be a majority in Palestine then “Palestine would become a Jewish Commonwealth.”
Leopold Amery, who had been intimately involved with the history of the drafting and was acutely aware of the political implications and purpose behind the release of the Declaration, when testifying under oath at the Anglo-American Committee of Enquiry as late as 1946 to examine the political, economic, and social conditions in Mandatory Palestine with regard to the problems of Jewish settlement and immigration, said;
“The phrase ‘the establishment in Palestine of a National Home for the Jewish people’ was intended and understood by all concerned to mean at the time of the Balfour Declaration that Palestine would ultimately become a ‘Jewish Commonwealth’ or a ‘Jewish state,’ if only Jews came and settled there in sufficient numbers.”

This is where you, dear reader, are playing a vital role in living the essence of the Balfour Declaration.

Barry Shaw.
Senior Associate for Public Diplomacy at the Israel Institute for Strategic Studies.
1917. From Palestine to the Land of Israel is available from the author or from CreateSpace in paperback https://www.createspace.com/6830537 or from Amazon in Kindle format at:
https://www.amazon.com/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Ddigital-text&field-keywords=1917.+from+palestine+to+the+land+of+israel


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Beyond Balfour

Lord Arthur James Balfour is best remembered for the famous Balfour Declaration of 1917 that bears his name.

This letter, signed by the cabinet of British prime minister David Lloyd George and delivered to Baron Walter Rothschild as a representative of the Zionist movement, affirmed that “His Majesty’s government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people…”

But Lord Balfour’s legacy of concern for the Jewish people and their restoration in Eretz Israel found other notable expressions beyond his time of service as foreign secretary under Lloyd George and as a prime minister himself.

His niece Blanche Dugdale wrote about her famous uncle in a twovolume biography published in 1936.

“Balfour’s interest in the Jews and their history was lifelong,” she recalled. It originated in the Old Testament training that Balfour had received from his mother and in his Scottish upbringing.

“As he grew up, his intellectual admiration and sympathy for certain aspects of Jewish philosophy and culture grew also, and the problem of the Jews in the modern world seemed to him of immense importance,” wrote Dugdale. “He always talked eagerly on this, and I remember in childhood imbibing from him the idea that Christian religion and civilization owe to Judaism an immeasurable debt, shamefully ill repaid.”

Last April, I was in Scotland and England doing historical research and thought it would be appropriate to find where Balfour “rested” and place a small stone of respect on his gravesite, in the time-honored Jewish tradition. The simple gesture opened another door of understanding and appreciation for this unique Christian friend of the Jewish people.

Lord Balfour died on March 19, 1930. He was buried on his family’s estate at Whittingehame Tower, not far from Edinburgh, Scotland. The estate is isolated, difficult to find, but beautifully located a few miles from the sea, amidst sweeping dales dotted with sheep.

The family moved from the estate long ago. Whittingehame House, the family home, is stark in its cold, concrete-gray color, angular in its construction and impressive in its original approach down a broad treelined lane. Today, Whittingehame House has been converted, ignominiously, into a series of apartments. There is not so much as a historic marker to indicate the meaning of the site. They do not want the culturally curious.

Lord Balfour is buried nearby at a 15th-century military tower believed to have been the site of conspiratorial events contributing to the tragic story of Mary Queen of Scots. The gravesite is worn and partly lichen covered. I placed my little stone and said a Kaddish prayer.

Whittingehame has another history – a history of saving lives of Jewish children from the Holocaust. That story is not very well known. The greatest irony is that Lord Balfour, who had strived so valiantly for so long to have the British government help create a national homeland for the Jewish people, did not live to see the fruits of his efforts.

British governments that came after him tried to thwart his pro-Zionist policies in the hope that a Jewish state would not arise. The tragic results were that, when a home in Palestine was most desperately needed to save Jewish lives from the Nazi genocide, the British authorities barred most Jews from entering its safe haven. Balfour was unable to save Jewish lives in their promised homeland, but he did save Jewish lives in his own home.

As the darkening clouds of Nazi Germany descended over Europe, many Jews in Germany and Austria feared for their lives. Where could they go? If they could not save themselves, could they save their children? Rescue efforts were being considered, but few were enacted.

The terrifying events of Kristallnacht, the “Night of Broken Glass” in which Jews were attacked and their properties destroyed across Germany and Austria on November 9-10, 1938, pushed the British Jewish Refugee Committee to appeal to Members of Parliament. Shortly before, the British government had refused to allow 10,000 Jewish children entry into Palestine. The events of Kristallnacht reopened the issue.

The appeal was championed by such leading British Christian figures as Lord Baldwin, Sir Wyndham Deeds, Bertha Bracey and Jean Hoare. Assessing that “Here is a chance of mitigating to some extent the terrible suffering of their parents and their friends,” British foreign minister Samuel Hoare proposed admitting 10,000 Jewish refugee children into Britain. The British government agreed to admit the children, provided a fiftypound bond was paid for each children to guarantee that they would be sent back to their parents in Europe after the conflict was over. The government further stipulated that only children under the age of 17 could go, and none of their parents were allowed entry.

The first of the Kindertransport trains left in sealed cars for Britain on December 1, 1938. The last left for England on May 14, 1940, the very day Holland fell to the Nazis. The final ship was strafed by Luftwaffe planes but arrived safely in Britain. In all, approximately 10,000 children were saved.

A similar effort to save 20,000 Jewish children was co-sponsored in the United States by Sen. Robert F. Wagner (D-NY) and Rep. Edith Rogers (R-MA) in early 1939. But the legislation failed to get Congressional approval. American isolationist sentiment, combined with latent anti-Semitism, grounded the measure. The American Jewish community thought it best not to protest.

In Britain, citizens were appealed to by radio to open their homes to the arriving children. Many of the children were taken in by Jewish and non-Jewish families. Some did not find homes.

Robert Arthur Lytton Balfour, Lord Balfour’s nephew, discussed the problem with his father: What can be done to help? They resolved to open Whittingehame House to the children. Some 180 of the young Jewish refugees were brought to Scotland. A school program was set up, called the Whittingehame Farm School. Its purpose was to teach the young refugee children how to be farmers, not in Britain but some future day in Palestine. The children were given instruction in Hebrew, Jewish songs and culture. A synagogue was established in the late Lord Arthur Balfour’s private rooms.

Jewish refugee children arrived at Whittingehame in 1939. A period of darkness and panic covered Britain in early 1940 when the European war turned hot. Britain feared invasion and the potential of a fifth column inside the country. The newly elected government of Winston Churchill responded to popular pressure to intern all citizens of enemy nations. Suddenly, any German or Austrian Jewish refugee over the age of 16 was arrested.

Whittingehame was no exception. Police arrived, and 37 refugees were taken away.

Most of the Whittingehame refugees returned after the national hysteria subsided. But some of the Jewish refugees in Britain were deported as enemy aliens to Canada and Australia. Two infamous transport ships from that period remain a blemish on Britain. One ship, the Dunera, became a hell hole of abuse as it carried Jews, Italians and some German POWs to Australia.

Another ship, the Andorra Star, carrying a large number of Italians and German Jews, as well as some captured German sailors, was sent to Canada. It was torpedoed by a German submarine off the coast of Ireland on July 1, 1940, taking down 600 passengers with it.

The Whittingehame Farm School remained open until 1941. The children were relocated into the local community. The young men of Whittingehame enlisted in the British armed forces, eager do what they could to end Nazi tyranny forever.